Ricerca

Ricerca

Ricerca

In questo articolo analizziamo la misura in cui le elezioni europee del 2009, svoltesi a seguito della grave crisi dei mercati internazionali, differiscono dalle precedenti. I nostri interrogativi di ricerca riguardano da un lato la presenza di effetti di delegittimazione della UE (attraverso astensionismo, voto di protesta, frammentazione, successo di partiti anti-Europei) e dall’altro lato il risultato dei governi nazionali. Analiticamente, il modello delle elezioni di second’ordine che colloca le elezioni europee all’interno dei cicli elettorali nazionali viene considerato operando una contestualizzazione storica dei risultati delle elezioni europee in otto paesi (Austria, Francia, Germania, Italia, Olanda, Polonia, Regno Unito, Spagna). I dati non mostrano evidenza di un particolare incremento dell’astensionismo elettorale né del voto di protesta rispetto a quanto verificatosi nelle precedenti elezioni europee. Tuttavia le elezioni del 2009 si collocano nelle tendenze di medio periodo verso instabilità e frammentazione e, probabilmente per effetto della crisi economica, si caratterizzano per le particolari difficoltà anche per i governi in carica, compresi quelli che si stanno avvicinando alla fine del loro ciclo elettorale e che quindi, nelle precedenti elezioni di second’ordine ma senza crisi economica, tendevano a recuperare consensi: una dinamica che, sebbene in modo disomogeneo, appare evidente anche dall’analisi dei trend nelle inchieste di opinione.

Although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying, political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies. We provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections: vote buying, turnout buying, abstention buying, and double persuasion. Machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate. They also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors: compulsory voting, ballot secrecy, political salience, machine support, and political polarization. Our analysis yields numerous insights, such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying, and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying. Evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies.

Do parties with different ideological origins adjust their policies in response to the binding commitments that derive from the European integration process? This paper examines whether party platforms have adapted to the ideological content of EU treaty provisions – based on ‘neoliberalism’ and ‘regulated capitalism’ – across a range of policy areas The analysis builds on existing research which has examined how party families respond to the challenges and opportunities of the integration process. This is the first study that focuses on long-term party policy adjustment across different policy areas by examining whether there has been a shift away from core ideological goals towards the direction of EU policy. The main finding is that there has generally been a shift towards the direction of EU policy across all party families in both member and non-member states. The findings have implications for the quality of representation and functioning of democracy in the member states since the deepening of the European integration process reduces ideologically distinct policy alternatives across party families and can hinder policy innovation

Segnalazione bibliografica. Journal of Political Research (May 2011), Vol. 50: pp. 395–417 Autori: Andrè Blais, Simon Labbè St-Vincent Abstract This article examines the link between personality traits, political attitudes and the propensity to vote in elections, using an Internet panel survey conducted in two Canadian provinces at the time of the 2008 federal election and the subsequent provincial elections. It first establishes that the two most proximate attitudes that shape one's propensity to vote are political interest and sense of civic duty. The article then look at specific personality traits (altruism, shyness, efficacy and conflict avoidance) that could affect level of political interest, civic...

The Issue Yield model predicts that parties will choose specific issues to emphasise, based on the joint assessment of electoral risks (how divisive is an issue within the party support base) and electoral opportunities (how widely supported is the same issue outside the party). According to this model, issues with high yield are those that combine a high affinity with the existing party base, together with a high potential to reach new voters. In previous work, the model showed a remarkable ability to explain aggregate issue importance as reported by party supporters, as well as issue emphasis in party manifestos. This paper tests the implications at the individual level by comparing a conventional model where issue salience is determined from manifesto data with a revised model where issue salience is determined by issue yield. The empirical findings show that issue yield is a more effective criterion than manifesto emphasis for identifying the issues most closely associated with party support in the minds of voters.