Dossier CISE “Crisi e rimobilitazione” – i singoli capitoli in PDF

Redazione CISE

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Introduzione Lorenzo De Sio e Nicola Maggini Primavera 2012: l’istantanea della crisi Oggi il 60% degli elettori è sul mercato Roberto D’Alimonte L’analisi dei flussi: Monti prenderebbe voti a tutti Aldo Paparo Quali misure nel futuro del governo Monti? In primis i tagli ai costi della macchina statale Nicola Maggini Il governo Monti perde appeal, piace solo la lotta all’evasione Vincenzo Emanuele Tra 2011 e 2012: l’anno che cambiò la politica italiana L’anno che cambiò la politica italiana Lorenzo De Sio Le intenzioni di voto negli ultimi dodici mesi Aldo Paparo L’analisi dei flussi elettorali fra ricordo del voto e intenzioni di voto Aldo Paparo Gli elettori del Movimento 5 Stelle: fuori da destra e sinistra, ma...

Crisi e rimobilitazione. Gli italiani, la politica, i partiti nelle indagini campionarie del CISE (2011-2012) a cura di Lorenzo De Sio e Nicola MagginiNella primavera 2012, pochi mesi dopo l’insediamento del governo Monti, i partiti italiani toccavano il punto più basso della loro presa sull’opinione pubblica italiana: altissime percentuali di astenuti e indecisi, con un elettorato demotivato da un’offerta politica ancora incerta (anche a causa della difficile convivenza con un governo tecnico) e quindi incapace di strategie innovative. Tuttavia, è forse vero che la politica ha orrore del vuoto: l’imminenza delle elezioni amministrative (del maggio 2012) e soprattutto l’ingresso nell’ultimo...

Many theoretical and empirical accounts of representation argue that primary elections are a polarizing influence. Likewise, many reformers advocate opening party nominations to nonmembers as a way of increasing the number of moderate elected officials. Data and measurement constraints, however, have limited the range of empirical tests of this argument. We marry a unique new data set of state legislator ideal points to a detailed accounting of primary systems in the United States to gauge the effect of primary systems on polarization. We find that the openness of a primary election has little, if any, effect on the extremism of the politicians it produces.

Saliency theory is among the most influential accounts of party competition, not least in providing the theoretical framework for the Comparative Manifesto Project – one of the most widely used data collections in comparative politics. Despite its prominence, not all empirical implications of the saliency theory of party competition have yet been systematically tested. This article addresses five predictions of saliency theory, the central claim of which is that parties compete by selective issue emphasis rather than by direct confrontation. Since a fair test of the theory's assumptions needs to rely on data that measures party issue saliency and party positions independently, this article draws on new manifesto data from the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES). Analysing all manifestos issued for the 2002, 2006 and 2008 general elections, it shows that saliency theory correctly identifies some features of party competition. For instance, parties disproportionally emphasise issues they ‘own’. Yet, the core assumption of saliency theory that parties compete via selective issue emphasis rather than direct confrontation over the same issues fails to materialise in the majority of cases.

Empirical election studies conclude that party elites' images with respect to competence, integrity and party unity – attributes that we label character-based valence – affect their electoral support (Stone and Simas, 2010). We compile observations of media reports pertaining to governing party elites' character-based valence attributes, and we relate the content of these reports to mass support for the governing parties. We present pooled, time-series, analyses of party support and valence-related media reports in six European polities which suggest that these reports exert powerful electoral effects during election campaigns but little effect during off-election periods. This finding, which we label the Election Period Valence Effect, is consistent with previous work concluding that citizens are also more attentive to policy-based considerations and to national economic conditions around the time of elections. These findings have implications for political representation and for understanding election outcomes.