This paper explores the role played by job precariousness in political orientations, and examines the extent to which job precariousness could represent a new political division in Italian society. We have investigated the explanatory role of job precariousness for political orientations and analysed its interaction with the declining traditional cleavages (territory, class, religion). Based on a national sample of 15,000 workers, our results provide some evidence that job precariousness is a social variable exerting a significant impact on political orientations. Furthermore, we found that different conditions of job precariousness, such as temporary work and unemployment, affect political attitudes in different ways. Finally, our evidence suggests that the relationship between job precariousness and political orientations is significantly influenced by territory and class.

Two new studies challenge the prevailing consensus that proportional representation (PR) systems produce greater ideological congruence between governments and their citizens than majoritarian ones. This has led to what has become known as the ‘ideological congruence controversy’. G. Bingham Powell claims to resolve this controversy in favour of PR systems. Specifically, he argues that the results from the two new studies are based on an anomalous decade and that PR systems generally do produce greater government congruence. In addition, he also asserts that PR systems exhibit less variability in government congruence. In this article, the empirical evidence for these two claims is re-evaluated using exactly the same data as employed by Powell. The analysis indicates that although PR systems produce better and more consistent representation in the legislature, they do not hold an advantage when it comes to representation at the governmental level.

Le elezioni politiche del 24 e 25 febbraio 2013 hanno sancito un forte cambiamento della struttura del sistema partitico italiano. In un contesto di altissima volatilità elettorale e di accelerato declino della partecipazione al voto, il sistema è divenuto sostanzialmente tripolare, dopo vent’anni di strutturazione e tenuta del bipolarismo. A questo esito hanno concorso da un lato l’erosione dei principali schieramenti politici che a partire dal novembre 2011 avevano sostenuto l’esperienza del governo Monti (nonché la deludente prova elettorale dello stesso Presidente del Consiglio uscente), e dall’altro lo straordinario successo del Movimento 5 stelle. Quest’ultimo, al primo test elettorale di livello nazionale, ha raccolto un risultato sorprendente, giungendo ad oltre un quarto dei voti validi. Siamo di fronte ad una parentesi momentanea dovuta all’effetto combinato di crisi economica e crisi politica, oppure le contraddizioni interne alla Seconda Repubblica l’hanno condotta effettivamente al suo crepuscolo? Come uscirà il sistema partitico italiano da questa nuova fase di destabilizzazione? Questo quarto Dossier CISE, che raccoglie contributi apparsi sul sito web del Cise prima e dopo le elezioni, fornisce una prima analisi del voto, presentando elaborazioni su dati aggregati, stime dei flussi elettorali, alcune prime analisi su dati di sondaggio, nonché una panoramica dei nuovi eletti e un’appendice ricca di tabelle e mappe riassuntive del risultato elettorale. Come i precedenti Dossier, si tratta di uno strumento prodotto rapidamente all’indomani del voto, con l’intento di suggerire primi spunti di interpretazione da approfondire in seguito, cercando di contribuire alla lettura di un risultato elettorale cruciale, in una delicata fase di cambiamento del sistema partitico italiano.

Although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying, political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies. We provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections: vote buying, turnout buying, abstention buying, and double persuasion. Machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate. They also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors: compulsory voting, ballot secrecy, political salience, machine support, and political polarization. Our analysis yields numerous insights, such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying, and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying. Evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies.

This article analyses the impact of party systems on human well-being and argues that multiparty systems are associated with better welfare outcomes for two primary reasons: first, multiparty systems provide representation to multiple issue-dimensions in society, thereby indicating a more inclusive system, which ensures that diverse societal interests are taken into account during formulation of welfare policies. Second, multiparty systems also indicate a competitive party system, which provides incentives for parties to perform effectively while in office and propels parties to appeal to multiple segments of society by providing broader welfare services. The impact of party systems on human well-being is tested on a global sample of 68 democratic countries from 1975–2000. The findings show support for the hypothesized relationship between party systems and human well-being.