Nel corso degli ultimi 20 anni il sistema partitico del nostro paese è stato attraversato da profondi mutamenti. Dopo la lunga stagione del pluralismo estremo e polarizzato degli anni della Prima Repubblica, a partire dal 1994 si è progressivamente mosso verso un sistema bipolare con alternanza caratterizzato da alti livelli di frammentazione e discontinuità dell’offerta politica, fino alla svolta quasi-bipartitica delle elezioni del 2008. Il capitolo ha l’obiettivo di analizzare il cambiamento del sistema partitico italiano avvenuto con le elezioni del 2013 dalle quali è emerso un sistema sostanzialmente tripolare che ha stravolto l’assetto bipolare precedente in un quadro di crescente destrutturazione e di fluidità elettorale che ha pochi eguali nella storia elettorale dell’Europa occidentale. Quali sono le caratteristiche del nuovo sistema partitico italiano? Quali fattori lo hanno determinato? Cosa spiega la sua perenne instabilità? Servendosi di molteplici indicatori e attraverso un approccio empirico e attento alla comparazione con altri casi europei il capitolo cercherà di dare risposta a questi interrogativi.

This article has the purpose to assess if and how party system nationalization affects individual voting behaviour. Previous studies on party system nationalization have focused on systemic processes, exclusively dealing with aggregate data. The authors address this topic from a new empirical perspective, arguing that party system nationalization could act as a context dimension interacting with the vote choice function. How does this specific context dimension moderate the explanatory power of individual level characteristics? On which determinants of vote choice does party system nationalization have a greater impact? To answer these questions, the authors focus on 23 European countries through the use of the 2009 European Election Study. The empirical analysis shows that in nationalized contexts the impact of the left-right dimension on party support is higher than in territorialized contexts, while that of class as well as of culture-related variables is lower. The authors also discuss the implications of these findings.

The third Eurozone economy and one of the six founders of the EEC (the direct ancestor of the European Union) in 1957, Italy is experiencing in recent years a season of political instability and uncertainty, especially after the crisis of Silvio Berlusconi’s leadership in the centre-right camp. A situation which has not improved after the results of the general election held in February 2013, whose overall outcome can be described as a dangerous stalemate. A new, anti-establishment party (the 5-Star Movement led by comedian Beppe Grillo) becoming the largest party with 25,6% of votes; the absence of any cohesive political majority in the Senate (whose vote of confidence is required); the installation of a government based on an oversized, hardly manageable political majority, led by Enrico Letta. How did all this happen? What are the political and the institutional factors that produced this outcome? What is the size and scope of the success of Beppe Grillo? Where are his votes coming from? Who paid the “cost of government” for the previous legislature? What are the likely scenarios for the future? First answers to such questions are presented in this book, which collects revised versions of short research notes published in Italian on the CISE website between February and April 2013, along with additional material published in Italian and English by CISE scholars on the Italian and international media. The goal of this book is to provide – in a timely fashion – a set of fresh, short analyses, able to provide a non-technical audience (including journalists, practitioners of politics, and everyone interested in Italian politics) with information and data about Italian electoral politics. Even electoral scholars will find interesting information, able to stimulate the construction of more structured research hypotheses to be tested in more depth. Too often international commentators portray Italian politics in a superficial fashion, without the support of fresh data and a proper understanding of the deeper processes involved. With this book, in spite of its limited scope, we hope to contribute to filling this gap.