Ricerca

Ricerca

Ricerca

In occasion of the European Parliament elections of 2014, EUDO launched euandi (reads: EU and I). The academic relevance of the euandi endeavour lies primarily in its choice to stick to the party positioning methodology already employed by the EU Profiler in 2009 as well as in the choice to keep as many policy items as possible in the 2014 questionnaire in order to allow cross-national, longitudinal research on party competition and voting behaviour in the EU across a five-year period. In this paper, we present the euandi project in a nutshell, the making of the questionnaire and the way in which political parties have been coded. Then, we illustrate the functioning of the application and the specifics of the resulting user dataset, comprising the opinions of 400.000 unique users that completed the euandi questionnaire during the six weeks preceding the EP elections of 2014.

This article analyzes the results of the Italian municipal elections held in May 2011. First, we make a simple count of the municipalities won by the various political blocs, and secondly we make a comparison with the results of regional elections of 2010. We have compared data concerning both the electoral performances of political blocs and those of the political parties who appeared in this election. We also present the results as disaggregated data, both from a demographic standpoint and from a geographical point of view. The analysis shows a clear electoral defeat of the center-right coalition, both in terms of municipalities lost and in terms of percentages of votes obtained. The fact that these two phenomena have occurred especially in the North, its traditional area of electoral strength, makes this defeat particularly significant. The center-left coalition, due to the difficulties of its opponent, gets a good result in terms of number of municipalities won, while not improving its performance in terms of percentages of votes obtained. The centrist coalition, finally, does not get a great performance in terms of votes obtained, but it often proves decisive in forcing the other two coalitions to the second ballot.

Emanuele, Vincenzo, & Rombi, Stefano. (2013). Il voto nei circoli: cosa rischia Renzi. Candidate & Leader Selection (a Cura Di) [2013], Questioni Primarie, Www.rivistailmulino.it, (2), 7–8. Retrieved from http://www.rivistailmulino.it/item/23...

D'Alimonte R., Bartolini S. (a cura di), Maggioritario per caso. Le elezioni politiche del 1996, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1997. ISBN 978-88-15-05786-0 A due anni dalle "rivoluzionarie" elezioni del 1994, nell'aprile del 1996 il nuovo sistema elettorale italiano - maggioritario ma non troppo - è stato di nuovo chiamato alla prova. Il voto ha prodotto tre dati sorprendenti: una maggioranza alla Camea e al Senato; la stessa maggioranza in entrambe le Camere; una maggioranza completamente diversa da quella di centro-destra emersa nel 1994 e presto disgregatasi. Il volume fornisce un'analisi completa e dettagliata della campagna elettorale e dei risultati del voto, cogliendo ciò che...

Segnalazione bibliografica. Autore: Jason Ross Arnold Acta Politica 47, 67-90 (January 2012) Abstract Social scientists have demonstrated how transparency and democratic accountability can help control political corruption. Whereas this research has had much to say about how an open media environment produces constraints on politicians, the problem of how a politically ignorant public can enforce accountability has received much less attention. In this article, I argue that effective citizen monitoring of government officials depends on accurate corruption perceptions, which depends on the degree to which citizens are politically informed. An analysis of 10 Latin American countries with varied levels of corruption shows that...